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Opinion-editorials decyphered - 5 July 2005
Questions about the Azeri future
Decyphering
Azerbaijan is going through a period of instability, not only at the domestic level but also in the region. For several years, the country has been in the middle of an open conflict with Armenia regarding Nagorni-Karabaj, which has resulted in a lot of casualties. Over the past months, observers have noticed an increase of military activities and the use of aggressive terms by many politicians.
The interference attempts by some western countries in the Trans-Caucasus seemed to have encouraged the most violent right forces which increase their actions in an effort to suffocate Armenia. This country, tested since the beginning of the century, is punished by its neighbors and traditional Azeri and Turkish enemies. The European extensions to Turkey are linked to the increasing Turkish interest in its neighbor. In the Gazeta SNG (the news daily of the Commonwealth of Independent States), Smbat Karakhanian, a nationalist who presides over the Armenian national club of Moscow, the Miabanutiun, denounces the joint efforts by Turkey and NATO to take control of the Caucasus and to have the last Russian bases in Armenia evacuated. In spite of old hard feelings, the East of Turkey suffers for the closing of its border with Armenia ten years ago. The links with the natural trade partners of the Caucasus are affected. The two countries do no have diplomatic relations. The Turkish are playing a dangerous game as they are trying to expand their influence in all directions: NATO, The European Union and the Caucasus - without making any concessions. The illegality of the tracing of borders with Armenia perhaps is the origin of these difficulties. The slightest change in its speech could have serious consequences for this country, that has to face a potentially strong state in its borders: the Iraqi Kurdistan and its demands in the near future.
Etibar Mamedov, secretary of the Party of the Azeri National Independence and one of the main personalities of the Azeri opposition speaks in the Day.Az news daily about his concern regarding the upcoming legislative elections in his country. This article is retaken by the Gazeta SNG newspaper in what is an example of the interest that exists in this region that many say the Russians have already lost. In his opinion, the change will be inevitable once the disagreements are better defined within the leading elite. This should not take long unless important reforms take place. The wish to draw the people’s attention to another potential conflict with Armenia in regards to Karabaj is certainly part of the power’s intention to find a pretext to create a state of emergency that would allow it to stay in power without paying attention to legality. The Azeri president is pressured by the United States that, in the framework of its democratization of the “Great Middle East”, makes efforts to anticipate a replacement that seems inevitable due to the increasing dissatisfaction in the country.
Linked for several years to oil transnational companies thanks to the “contract of the century”, Azerbaijan is now a US military zone that has borders with Russia, Iran and Armenia and which is only safe in its fourth border: the one they share with the traditional Turkish allies.
In this “green belt” around Russia, only world and regional strategic matters seem to count while the people’s will is relegated to a second level as a hostage of corporate and military interests. It seems that the race for these upcoming elections has already started and he who manages to obtain the official support of Condoleezza Rice will probably win. However, whatever happens could be merely a way to give an image of democracy while the real moves may take place in advance. Azeri president Aliev, strengthened by the American support and his contract of the century, could also benefit from an insurrection in Iran, where there is a significant Azeri minority.
Former US National Security Advisor, Zbigniew Brzezinski, and his former assistant for the Middle East, William B. Quandt, analyze in the Washington Post and in the Gulf News the statements by George W. Bush on the occasion of Mahmud Abbas’s visit to Washington. They express their satisfaction for the return of the US president to the traditional position of their country in regards to the final status between Israelis and Palestinians: a return to the 1967 borders. In effect, the US president affirmed in April 2004 that those borders could not delimitate both territories and that it was necessary to take into account the “reality of the field”, that is, the settlements. Now, Washington has changed its strategy and wants Israel to obey - a position that pleases both Democrats.
In the Daily Star, the researcher of the US Institute of Peace and former advisor to Al Gore, Scott Lasensky, says that Israelis and Palestinians are close to a final solution. However, in order to achieve it, the United States should support the integration of Hamas to the Palestinian Authority to make the peace process possible. It is also necessary to continue pressuring Israel so that it finally accepts facing the settlers and dismantles the settlements in the West Bank. However, he warns that Hamas should not carry out more attacks.
Faced with the US change of position, Ariel Sharon uses the withdrawal from Gaza as a means to buy some time and consolidate Israel’s control in the West Bank. This topic is a subject of discussion in Ha’aretz.
Daniel Levy, a collaborator of Yossi Beilin, denounces the use of of the withdrawal from Gaza by Ariel Sharon. He believes that the Israeli Prime Minister will indefinitely extend the discussion with the Palestinians about the Gaza withdrawal, making emphasis on the problems. Although we endorse this analysis, we have many more doubts about the solution recommended by the author, imbued with the ambiguity that we frequently find in the editors of the initiative of Geneva. In order to face this maneuver, the author urges the Palestinian Authority and the International Quartet to make more concessions to Israel. So that Israel extends the process, Tel Aviv has to be offered more.
Zalman Shoval, a former advisor to Ariel Sharon, perfectly illustrates how the Gaza withdrawal is used to obstruct any negotiation with the Palestinians. The author says that the Palestinians probably see the Gaza withdrawal as a victory of terrorism. Thus, Israel should expect a wave of attacks or violent actions from the Palestinians, which would prevent the reactivation of the peace process.
This debate exasperates Meron Benvenisti. He believes it is a false debate; an opposition among Zionist groups who agree on the essential issues, who have always backed the settlers and who do not care about the fate of the Palestinians. However, the debate has an advantage: it shows the Israelis that the arguments of those who support and those who oppose the withdrawal have the same foundation, which allows destroying the myth of confrontation in the eyes of the Israelis.
Voltaire Network
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5 July 2005
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Authors and Sources of Op-Eds Decyphered
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“Strength Balance and Organization South of the Caucasus”
Author
Smbat Karakhanian

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Smbat Karakhanian is chairman of the Armenian National Club of Moscow, Miabanutiun.
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Source
Gazeta SNG (Russia)
Reference ”Баланс сил и организаций на Южном Кавказе”, by Smbat Karakhanian, Gazeta SNG, June 28, 2005.
Summary Through various programs, the North Atlantic Alliance is preparing “external platforms” for itinerant military groups south of the Caucasus. NATO strategists say that such bases and garrisons should allow to enforce the Budapest 1997 Summit’s decision. According to this decision, the deployment of international forces should be performed by mutual consent of all the sides involved in the Nagorni-Karabaj conflict. That’s why a policy of pressure on Armenian leaders is being carried out so that they reject the presence of Russian troops in their territory. NATO’s Under-Secretary General Robert Simons has stated: “If Armenia opposes the presence of Russian troops in its territory, Armenia will have NATO’s support”
This is not the first time that NATO offers to mediate. Some conditions are necessary though. Turkey - a founder and active member of NATO - has established relations with Transcaucasia not only in this context but also in conformity with its own plans. Turkish politicians don’t conceal the fact that the Bundestag resolution regarding the Armenian genocide will not help settle the issue of the relations with Erevan. Without denying their role along with the Ottoman Empire during the First World War, Germany bore out the veracity of the facts and reminded the Turkish government about the need to admit its history. Nevertheless, the Turkish reserve the right to sow discord among their neighbors. That’s exactly what they tried to do recently within the commission of the European Council Assembly, when the Armenian constitutional changes were mentioned. The Turkish delegation proposed to amend the preamble of the Armenian Constitution and legalize the country’s borders with all the vicinity. Armenia could not take part in the voting while both Turkish and Azeri could motion their idea about Armenian frontiers. The proposal was turned down but only by one vote.
Evidently, NATO leaders don’t seem to be upset by such incidents or the Turkish commitment. On the one hand, Turkey blocks Armenia and on the other hand, it tries to make up a military bloc with Georgia and Azerbaijan.
Russia is a founding member of the Collective Defense Treaty Organization (CDTO) and keeps close historical ties with our region. Our border with Turkey continues to be watched by Russian soldiers. It is crucial to establish a CDTO base in the region. After the Russian soldiers will retreat from Georgia in 2008, Armenia will be the only country having the Russian presence. So, the CDTO specialists will be able to exchange views with their NATO colleagues on regional security issues. This is the only way to ensure security and development in the region according to modern requirements. And also, to encourage peace negotiations in Karabaj.

“As Long as the Leading Elite Remains United, the People Will Have Practically No Chance to Seize Power”
Author
Etibar Mamedov
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Etibar Mamedov - secretary of the National Independence Party of Azerbaijan (AMIP) and one of its founders - is a major figure in the Azeri opposition.
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Source
Gazeta SNG (Russia)
Reference ”Пока не произойдет разделение внутри самой правящей элиты, шансы на приход к власти с улицы ничтожно малы”, by Etibar Mamedov,Gazeta SNG, June 24, 2005. Adaptation from an interview.
Summary Right now, due to the proximity of legislative elections, Azerbaijan’s internal situation is tense. It seems as if the various political forces in the country were studying each other to see who’s the strongest. The pressures of international organizations on the government remain the same, the difference being that they won’t close their eyes as they did in the past. These organizations are sick of the government’s whims. The world has changed and Azerbaijan cannot be oblivious of the democratization process. The way to democracy was started under the U.S. sponsorship. The stability stories called upon by the Azeri power from long ago are not enough anymore, Condoleezza Rice insisted on the fact that the United States is not willing to substitute democracy for stability. This country is establishing a global security system and without democracy the system won’t see the light. I don’t believe the Azeri power could be so stupid as not to realize the seriousness of the world’s situation. I will soon visit the United States to clarify this state of affairs.
Everything will depend on the government’s attitude toward these elections. If a revolution arises, I will be with the people one more time. This could be avoided if the elections developed normally. I think that previous failures in Azerbaijan were due to lack of opposition within the leading elite. There are people in this circle that consider reforms to be essential. As long as they talk, nobody will pay attention, but as soon as they act, they will actually arise the people’s interest. Without divisions within the elites, there would not have been a velvet revolution in Georgia or Ukraine. I’ve heard it said that the Minister of Economic Development Farkhad Aliev wanted to get dressed as a democrat and as an opponent and repeat the great deed of Yushchenko and Saakashvili. I don’t know whether that’s true but a man who spoiled the privatizations and is involved in corruption cannot lead the people.
I chose the “Yes” block as it represents all the strata of society. I still think that all the opposition forces in the country should get together for the legislative elections. It was the electoral commission that caused the frauds during the last elections. So, it must be replaced. Regrettably, the government does not want to have anything to do with this sphere.
According to my predictions, there will be un uprising in the country. We are in favor that all sides should respect the law. We must stay at the institutional level, this is a responsibility we have got with the country and the people. I think that the head of state is not controlling the situation in the country or within his own team. Each one of his ministers thinks himself president. If the president took his functions seriously, he should introduce reforms and get rid of the corrupt ministers around him. I don’t think anything of the kind is happening at the moment.

“Turning Point in Middle East Peace”
Authors
Zbigniew Brzezinski, William B. Quandt
Sources
Gulf News, Washington Post (United States)
Reference “ From Bush, Mideast Words to Act On”, by Zbigniew Brzezinski and William B. Quandt, Washington Post, June 23, 2005.
"Turning point in Middle East peace", Gulf News, June 24, 2005.
Summary George W. Bush’s statements during his recent meeting with Mahmud Abbas deserve our attention. It had an impact on Israel, but not on the U.S. Bush said that Israel and Palestine final statute should “be the fruit of an agreement between the different parties and that the changes in the lines of the 1949 armistice should also be the result of a mutual agreement”. He also asked Israel not to make any decisions that would infringe the obligations of the “waybill”. To conclude, he asserted that it was necessary to preserve the contiguous nature of the West Bank and the need to have important means of access between the West Bank and Gaza. If the President abides by his statements he could take a significant step in favor of the Israeli-Palestinian peace, the democratization of the Middle East and the fight against Islamist terrorism.
Thirty-eight years ago, Israel took over Sinai, the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan. Simultaneously, without any previous discussion, Lyndon Johnson decided that Israel could keep these lands as long as the Arabs didn’t sign a peace agreement with Israel. This “peace-in-exchange-for-territory” approach was taken again in the UN resolution 242. Johnson also declared that the final statute should not vary much from the 1967 borders. However, in a letter sent in April 2004 to Ariel Sharon, Bush had said that the reality of the region would have to be taken into account and that there could be no return to the 1967 borders.
During Mahmud Abbas’s visit, George W. Bush took again the U.S. traditional line. We welcome this news. But which version is to be believed? We’ll soon know it. But today, everything compels the President to keep Washington’s traditional position.

“To consolidate the truce, the U.S. must dialogue with Hamas”
Author
Scott Lasensky
Source
Daily Star (Lebanon)
Reference “ To consolidate the truce, the U.S. must dialogue with Hamas”, by Scott Lasensky, Daily Star, June 28, 2005.
Summary As Israeli and Palestinian leaders prepare to meet later this month, the most immediate challenge for the United States is to help both sides deal with those who reject the withdrawal from Gaza and integration of the Islamists in the political process. Two years ago, when the Oslo process was faltering, the conventional wisdom was that Palestinians should use any means to confront Hamas, but Israel should avoid a confrontation with the settlers. Currently, the PLO has embarked on a power-sharing arrangement with Hamas and Tel Aviv saying “no” to the settlers and evacuating thousands.
Without Hamas, a large segment of the Palestinian population would be left in the sidelines, thus undermining the legitimacy of Palestinian institutions. Israel, for its part, can no longer treat with kid gloves a population which is incompatible with a two-state solution building settlements. In this regard, the United States should support the Palestinian Authority and Israel. However, if Hamas resumes the attacks, the Palestinian Authority and Israel should respond. Washington’s support will strengthen Ariel Sharon to confront the settlers, but the Israeli Prime Minister should stop supporting the settlements in the West Bank. Washington should adopt an economic and security policy to promote the suspension of settlements.
We are close to the two-state solution, and we must take this opportunity.

“After Gaza, more Gaza”
Author
Daniel Levy
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Former political advisor to Yossi Beilin, Daniel Levy was a member of the negotiating team at Oslo and Taba, and participated in the negotiations of the Geneva Initiative. He is the son of the personal envoy of Tony Blair to the Middle East, Lord Michael Levy, one of the main associates to the British Labor Party.
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Source
Ha’aretz (Israel)
Reference “ After Gaza, more Gaza”, by Daniel Levy, Ha’aretz, June 24, 2005.
Summary It sometimes seems that in the 53 days remaining before the withdrawal from Gaza, every single settler will be interviewed by one Israeli media outlet or another. The obsession with the magnitude of the human interest of such withdrawal is understandable, but the deafening silence on what happens next is a problem. The strategy of Ariel Sharon pertaining to the disengagement plan has not been analyzed. Let’s call this tactics “After Gaza, more Gaza”. It looks like this: the Gaza and northern West Bank withdrawal is complicated, and there are a lot of issues with the Palestinian Authority that still need to be addressed. Having started (intentionally?) dealing with these issues so late, it is not certain that they will resolved in the 53 remaining days. It will take months for a resolution.
During such period of uncertainty and discussions, the opposition can not fight against the government nor organize anticipated elections, and negotiations will only be on the withdrawal from Gaza. In short, there would be a midget peace process whose terms will be set by Sharon: no “road map”, no disengagement, no negotiations on final status. To Sharon, it has been a good move, but not for Israel.
A similar tactic will strengthen Hamas to the detriment of the Palestinian Authority. This strategy should be challenged by the realists at Knesset, by the International Quartet and the Palestinian Authority. The Palestine Authority should revise its demands about the final status, the Quartet should redefine the route map to adapt it to the new circumstances, and establish at Knesset a major coalition made up by the realists.

“Two scripts for the day after”
Author
Zalman Shoval
Source
Ha’aretz (Israel)
Reference “ Two scripts for the day after”, by Zalman Shoval, Ha’aretz, June 27, 2005.
Summary Many Israelis have found out about the confrontation between Moshe Ya’alon and Avi Dichter concerning the Gaza post-withdrawal political-security forecast. However, while their opinions differ about the withdrawal short term effects, there is far less disagreement between them when it comes to the lessons learned from the failures of Oslo, Camp David and Taba, and to long-term developments.
Today, there are two potential scenarios for the day after the withdrawal. According to the most optimistic one, the majority of the Palestinians believe that terror has basically failed and that it is still possible to rehabilitate the economy and a political entity with the support of the United States. But the pessimistic script says that after the withdrawal from Gaza, the Palestinians will trigger a wave of attacks and will do anything possible to obtain more. That was the strategy used by Yasser Arafat before and after Camp David. Ya’alon and Dichter admitted that this scenario is most likely, since despite the developments, the Palestinians consider the disengagement a victory of terrorism. That will be prejudicial to them, but such logical conclusion has not affected the extremists.
We have to examine how Mahmud Abbas fights terror in order to draw the conclusions.

“Nothing more than an internal Zionist dispute”
Author
Meron Benvenisti

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Meron Benvenisti was deputy mayor of Jerusalem. He is the autor of Sacred Landscape: Buried History of the Holy Land Since 1948.
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Source
Ha’aretz (Israel)
Reference “Nothing more than an internal Zionist spat”, by Meron Benvenisti, Ha’aretz, June 30, 2005.
Summary The closer the date of the withdrawal from Gaza, the clearer the extent of that “historical event”: an internal, limited, intra-tribal, Jewish-Zionist struggle between two camps split on the evacuation of Gaza but united in their attitudes toward the settlement as a supreme value, as part of the Jewish soul. For one camp, this approach is applicable to all settlements; whereas for the other, only to the settlements which have a geo-strategic significance. But both sides agree with the myth of settlements.
Most of the Israelis remain indifferent to this matter and do not take part in this dispute between the supporters or opponents to the withdrawal. On the contrary, they have begun to identify manipulations from both sides. The Jewish-Zionist struggle can serve particularly as an evidence. This struggle clearly shows that a Jew in Israel is a pioneer, a fighter, not just a plain citizen. Equally, both of them consider that all settlers have been “sent” to the territories by the Israeli government. Therefore, the government is obliged to provide assistance and protection to them. No one would dare to think that Israel will do the same as France did at the end of the war of Algeria: each settler could do anything, either to remain in Gaza or go away. Besides, the settlers’ houses will be demolished because an Arab must not use a house infused with a Jewish soul.
In the issue of disengagement, it is paid attention only to the destiny of a few thousand settlers, but absolutely not to the 1.5 million Palestinians. The world has been asked to applaud Israel’s big sacrifice and its efforts to make it possible. But peace can not be achieved like this.

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