President Emmanuel Macron announces the dissolution of the National Assembly

The dissolution of the National Assembly

The dissolution of the French National Assembly, announced by President Emmanuel Macron following the results of the European elections, plunges France into chaos. Commentators question why the President of the Republic, whose party is expected to be wiped out in the legislative elections, is committing such suicide. They have no answer, probably because they’re asking the wrong question.

For my part, I’m considering the hypothesis that it was not Emmanuel Macron who took this decision, but the investors who placed him in the Élysée Palace. Their problem is not to make the current president last. He’s completely demonetized. But to launch the next one: a successor
capable of pursuing the same policies, but with a new speech. Once he’s in power, he’ll continue the same work, to the detriment of the French people.

Already, the European elections have put Raphaël Glucksmann to the test. Former husband of Eka Zgouladze, Minister of the Interior under Mikheil Saakashvili (Georgia), then Deputy Interior Minister of Petro Poroshenko (Ukraine), he now lives with French-Lebanese journalist Léa Salamé, granddaughter of Armenian jeweller Robert Boghossian and daughter of former Lebanese minister Ghassan Salamé.

Raphaël Glucksmann is the grandson of philosopher Jeannette Colombel, who became a friend of Jean-Paul Sartre, Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze. Raphaël is also the son of the "new philosopher" André Glucksmann, himself a former employee of Freedom House [1]

He professes the same primal Russophobia as his grandmother after 1968 and his father. According to his "donors", he would make a good successor to Emmanuel Macron.

It should be remembered that we do not believe that Emmanuel Macron is a Rothschild Boy, but a product of Henry Kravis, as I wrote six years ago [2]. Since then, Henry Kravis’s wife has become president of the Bilderberg Group and our friend Xavier Niels (Free), who played a central role in exploiting the data that helped elect Emmanuel Macron [3], now son-in-law of Bernard Arnault (LVMH), has been appointed administrator of the Kravis investment fund (KKR).

The inevitable chaos

The period ahead is one of chaos. Three political forces seem to be battling it out, but none of them offers any analysis of the situation. France is at a standstill. It’s better to live on benefits
than to work for a small salary. Public debt stood at 3,101 billion euros at the end of 2023, or 110.6% of GDP. Administrations are very expensive, but deliver poor quality services.

The armed forces would not last three days against Russia. The police are out-dated in the colonies of New Caledonia and Mayotte [4] and refrain from entering certain neighbourhoods in metropolitan France. The justice system takes years to judge a crime, and prisons are overcrowded, sometimes by more than 250% [5]. A very large number of students with
B.A.s can decipher a text, but cannot read a book. The hospital staff spend a third of their time filling out forms, and no longer have time to look after their patients. Fraud, particularly in social security and tax, seems to be reaching records. Illegal drug sales play such an important economic role
(around 3 billion euros) that it is included in the calculation of GDP. The inequalities are such that while nearly 3 million French people (4.25% of the of the population) are millionaires in dollars [6], nearly a third of French people live on less than 100 euros on the 10th of the month [7].

No one in particular is responsible for this disastrous result. But no one has done anything to prevent it. We are living in a period of transition, towards a computerized society in which the organizing principles of industrial society no longer work. So we can’t govern, no matter how masterfully we manage things. We have to invent what we don’t yet know.

Political parties and trade unions, organized pyramid-style on the industrial model, only propose solutions from the industrial age, i.e., solutions conceived in the past, whose very prolongation is precisely the problem.

This situation is not unique to France but to all the countries that were the winners of the industrial era and which, with the exception of Russia, make up the "collective West". Russia is a special case insofar as it was one of these winners, but collapsed with the dissolution of the Soviet Union and has since rebuilt itself outside the old model. However, it does not know what will follow but is open to it. It is perhaps this particularity that explains the current prevailing Russophobia.

We say three forces: the Union of the Righties around the Rassemblement National, the preservation of the system around Emmanuel Macron, and the Popular Front, preparing for a Glucksmann era.

 The Union des Droites is going through two crises. "Reconquête" is divided between its founder Éric Zemmour and its stars who, around Marion Maréchal-Le Pen, allied themselves with the "Rassemblent national", on the other, "Les Républicains", which is divided between its militants and its president, Éric Ciotti, who aspire to this and, on the other, its notables, who refuse. The fate of
Reconquête has been cast, as Éric Zemmour is on his own, while that of the of the Républicains is being played out in the courts, its Political Bureau having a discreet Masonic meeting, illegally decided to expel its president.

 Emmanuel Macron’s camp, baptized "Ensemble pour la République", can’t count on its -catastrophic- record to campaign. He is banking on the fear aroused by the others. Like them, he doesn’t offer any solutions but asserts that he is slowing down the country’s downfall.
 The "New Popular Front" brings together political parties that not long ago claimed to be irreconcilable. Fear of their own downfall led them to reach an agreement. The division came not between the parties, but within one of them. A few hours after releasing their list of candidates, five former MPs from "La France insoumise" (LFI) who were not on the list denounced the dictatorship of their party’s founder. That’s their way of looking at he. One might also observe that they were the only left-wing opponents of Raphaël Glucksmann to refuse to accept his irresistible rise.

None of these three coalitions proposes to adapt the rules of the game to the demands of the times. All their militants, disoriented, cling to a few ideas that no longer correspond to the times, or even to beliefs that they don’t share with the majority of other citizens.

On its website, Rassemblent National puts forth three issues:
 it denounces a government study on the savings to be made by de-indexing social benefits and retirement pensions;
 it denounces the government’s ban on Israeli companies at the Eurosatory Defense and Security Exhibition;
- Finally, it announced that it was filing a complaint with the European Court of Justice against European Council decisions on the distribution of new immigrants to member states and the fines imposed on states refusing them.

Three press releases were designed to demonstrate the party’s commitment to defend French living standards and fight immigration, as well as a subliminal message that its xenophobia now outweighs the anti-Semitism of its founders.

"Renaissance", Emmanuel Macron’s party, has only a brief website. It highlights 12 values, including progress, territorial initiative and feminism; values that it will define at a later date. It is unclear how he will reconcile some of these such as Europe with the Nation, the Republic and secularism. No matter, its militants need slogans, not reflection.

The 12 left-wing or ecologist political parties were still shouting at each other a week ago. However, they have managed to form a coalition, the New Popular Front, in four days. They have also
signed a common program, which has the merit of existing, but which was hastily drafted. Each party slipped in its preferred themes without resolving the contradictions. No matter, voters
will respond to the many slogans it contains. Incidentally, support for Ukraine against Russia.
has been validated by all.

The 12 websites of the member parties showcase their shared belief in the human origin of climate change and their historical references to social struggles, but they avoid noting their opposition
to the programs of the other coalition members. We are somewhat surprised to see a Trotskyist militia, "La Jeune Garde antifasciste" (JGA), and a pro-independence party, "Euskal Herria Bai" (EHB), are to be included in this coalition.

Incidentally, the division into three blocs reflects the electoral offer, not real cleavages. Each produces thematic publicities but no analysis of the crisis of civilization, let alone a response to it.
The identity-based rhetoric that reared its head again during the campaign was not about the nation in the face of Europe or immigration, but about the landmarks that will remain in the society of the future.


It is clear that political parties will not be able to respond to the current crisis, just to heal this or that wound.

The transition period is likely to be a long one. The end of the Ancien Régime and the beginning of a society based on equality of rights took 92 years, including 10 years of Revolution. During this period, citizens have been swayed more by their passions than by their reason. There is therefore an urgent need for accelerated training in political science and the dissemination of pluralistic information.

Roger Lagassé

[1Freedom House: when “freedom” is only a pretext”, by Thierry Meyssan, Voltaire Network, 7 September 2004.

[2Who does Emmanuel Macron owe?”, by Thierry Meyssan, Translation Pete Kimberley, Voltaire Network, 11 December 2018.

[3Mindfuck, Le complot Cambridge Analytica pour s’emparer de nos cerveaux, Christopher Wylie, Grasset (2020).

[4The French "Colonial Party" still hasn’t come to terms with the loss of its Empire”, by Thierry Meyssan, Translation Roger Lagassé, Voltaire Network, 29 May 2024.